Emmerson Mnangagwa – Timeline of Corruption, Abuse of Power, and State Capture (2017–2025)

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2017: Coup and Consolidation of Power

• 15 Nov 2017: The military launches Operation Restore Legacy, a coup that ousts 93-year-old President Robert Mugabe. Army generals claim they are targeting “criminals around the president” for corruption (Ousted Zimbabwe finance minister Chombo faces corruption charges | Reuters). Emmerson Mnangagwa, Mugabe’s recently fired vice president, is installed as the new leader on 24 Nov 2017 and promises to fight corruption and revive the economy. However, the coup is widely seen as a power grab by Mnangagwa’s faction with military backing, rather than a genuine anti-graft effort.

• 25 Nov 2017: Former Finance Minister Ignatius Chombo – a close Mugabe ally from the rival G40 faction – is hauled before court on old corruption charges just days after the coup (Ousted Zimbabwe finance minister Chombo faces corruption charges | Reuters) (Ousted Zimbabwe finance minister Chombo faces corruption charges | Reuters). Chombo, who was detained and beaten by soldiers, is accused of a 2004 fraud involving the central bank. This first high-profile arrest under Mnangagwa targets a Mugabe loyalist, signaling selective “anti-corruption” aimed at settling political scores. By contrast, graft-tainted officials who sided with Mnangagwa are spared. For example, ex-minister Obert Mpofu, long accused of looting diamond revenues, is retained and even promoted in the new administration, indicating an early double standard in accountability.

• Dec 2017: Mnangagwa rewards the military for its role in the coup, embedding it in the state. He appoints General Constantino Chiwenga – who led the coup – as Vice President and Defence Minister, Air Marshal Perrance Shiri as Agriculture Minister, and other senior officers to top posts (Special Report: Meet the force behind Zimbabwe's 'Crocodile' president | Reuters) (Special Report: Meet the force behind Zimbabwe's 'Crocodile' president | Reuters). This unprecedented militarization of the cabinet cements the army’s grip on political power and access to resources. Intelligence reports at the time observed that “the generals have tasted power and are not willing to let it go” (Special Report: Meet the force behind Zimbabwe's 'Crocodile' president | Reuters). The new regime’s close intertwining of military and government marks the beginning of state capture by security elites under Mnangagwa. (Ironically, Mugabe-era “criminals” were never effectively prosecuted – Chombo’s case, for instance, remains in limbo years later – but the military’s economic influence only grew.)

2018: Promises of Reform vs. Reality

• 2018 (general): In public, Mnangagwa projects an image of a reformer – vowing to end corruption, woo investors, and break with Mugabe’s corrupt past. In March 2018, his government even published a list of entities accused of illicitly stashing $826 million abroad, to show action on “externalization” of funds. But the list notably contained no powerful names and led to no prosecutions, reinforcing perceptions of a publicity stunt. Throughout 2018, no significant graft prosecutions of Mnangagwa’s allies occur, while systemic corruption continues. The new Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) remains largely toothless, and a Special Anti-Corruption Unit in Mnangagwa’s own office is created – a move critics say sidelines independent investigators and keeps control in the President’s hands (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024).

  
  

• July–Aug 2018: Zimbabwe holds its first post-coup elections. Mnangagwa’s government is accused of using state resources and intimidation to secure victory for the ruling ZANU-PF. The military and security services – now under Mnangagwa’s command – brazenly interfere in the electoral process. On August 1, soldiers open fire on post-election protesters in Harare, killing six civilians, in what a commission later calls “disproportionate” force. Meanwhile, opposition leader Nelson Chamisa’s court challenge of the presidential result is swiftly dismissed by a pliant judiciary. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), headed by a Mnangagwa appointee, is criticized for lack of transparency. These events highlight early abuses of power: the securocrats who helped Mnangagwa ascend are deployed to suppress dissent and shield his disputed win, entrenching a culture of impunity.

2019: Cartel Entrenchment and Exposed Scandals

• July 2019: A major scandal erupts over Mnangagwa’s flagship farming program, Command Agriculture. Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee uncovers that nearly US$3 billion in public funds (2016–2018) cannot be accounted for (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ). The Agriculture Ministry admits it has no records for how the money was spent. ZACC opens an investigation into possible abuse of the funds (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ). It emerges that Mnangagwa’s close adviser, fuel tycoon Kudakwashe “Kuda” Tagwirei, was heavily involved – his company Sakunda Holdings received huge payments as the program’s private financier (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ). Tagwirei, often dubbed “Queen Bee,” is a key figure in Mnangagwa’s inner circle, and his role in Command Agriculture raises suspicions of kickbacks and collusion. Officials try to downplay the missing billions as mere “accounting issues,” even as the Auditor-General’s report details blatant irregularities (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ). To date, no one has been held accountable for this multi-billion dollar looting of public coffers (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ) – reinforcing beliefs that when regime cronies are involved, investigations are stonewalled.

• (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation) Tagwirei (left) – Mnangagwa’s adviser and financier – was implicated in the $3 billion Command Agriculture scheme, exemplifying the collusion between cartels and the highest office (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ). Despite public outcry and an official probe, no prosecutions followed, highlighting the impunity enjoyed by Mnangagwa’s allies.

• 25 July 2019: In a purported show of seriousness, Mnangagwa’s government arrests Minister of Tourism Prisca Mupfumira over the alleged embezzlement of US$95 million from the state pension fund (NSSA) (https://www.zimlive.com/ex-minister-mupfumira-finally-gets-her-freedom-freed-on-5k-bail/). Mupfumira, a ZANU-PF official, is the first sitting minister jailed for corruption under Mnangagwa. However, skeptics note that she was a relatively expendable figure whose removal served to burnish Mnangagwa’s anti-graft image without threatening the true centers of power. Indeed, years later her trial has seen numerous delays, and other implicated high-ups have not been pursued. Around the same time, ZANU-PF’s Youth League publicly “names and shames” several business figures and officials as corrupt – including Tagwirei, cotton magnate Billy Rautenbach, and others – blaming them for fuel and currency crises. While this briefly grabs headlines, none of the accused cartel bosses are arrested. Instead, whispers grow that the Youth League’s list was sanitized to spare certain elites, and that Mnangagwa is unwilling to touch his own circle. The events of 2019 underscore that cartels tied to the presidency continued to dominate key economic sectors (fuel, agriculture, mining) with impunity.

2020: COVID Graft, Gold Smuggling and Purges to Protect Networks

• 3 Feb 2020: A dramatic confrontation within ZANU-PF exposes the extent of state capture by cartels. Two top Youth League officials – Lewis Matutu and Godfrey Tsenengamu – defy the party line and hold a press conference accusing three businessmen of running corrupt cartels “bleeding the economy” (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy) (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy). They single out Kuda Tagwirei (Sakunda), Billy Rautenbach (Green Fuel), and Tafadzwa Musarara as “untouchables” with close ties to the leadership, involved in fuel, grain and currency manipulation (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy) (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy). The youth leaders warn these cronies have “been left to do as they please for a long time” due to patronage from “national leadership,” and ask why one individual is “almost everywhere – be it fuel or Command Agriculture” (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy) (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy). The backlash is swift: within days, Mnangagwa suspends Matutu and Tsenengamu from ZANU-PF, punishing them for bypassing party protocol (“Mnangagwa Protects Tagwirei As Matutu, Tsenengamu Are Suspended From Zanu PF” – ZimEye). No investigation is launched into the cartel allegations. The message is clear – exposing Mnangagwa’s allies is taboo, and whistleblowers even within the ruling party are purged. Observers note that Mnangagwa chose to shield Tagwirei (“his partner”) instead of empowering anti-corruption bodies (“Mnangagwa Protects Tagwirei As Matutu, Tsenengamu Are Suspended From Zanu PF” – ZimEye) (“Mnangagwa Protects Tagwirei As Matutu, Tsenengamu Are Suspended From Zanu PF” – ZimEye). This episode vividly demonstrates how Mnangagwa’s patronage network silences internal dissent to protect corrupt business allies.

• April–June 2020: As Zimbabwe grapples with COVID-19, a huge corruption scandal unfolds in the health sector. Investigative journalists reveal that a shadowy company called Drax International (aka Drax Consult SAGL) was awarded a US$60 million contract – without tender – to supply COVID-19 drugs and equipment (Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company - Zimbabwe News Now) (Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company - Zimbabwe News Now). Drax’s local representative, Delish Nguwaya, is a known associate of Mnangagwa’s twin son Collins Mnangagwa (Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company - Zimbabwe News Now). Documents show Nguwaya, who has a criminal history, boasted of high-level connections and even appeared at State House on 8 April 2020 to donate supplies alongside President Mnangagwa (Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company - Zimbabwe News Now). When the “Covidgate” scandal breaks, it emerges Drax was paid millions in advance for grossly overpriced goods. On 19 June, Health Minister Obadiah Moyo – a Mnangagwa appointee – is arrested and charged with criminal abuse of office over the Drax deal (Zimbabwe's health minister granted bail over $60 mln graft claims | Reuters) (Zimbabwe's health minister granted bail over $60 mln graft claims | Reuters). Drax’s contracts are canceled amid public outrage (Zimbabwe's health minister granted bail over $60 mln graft claims | Reuters). Mnangagwa fires Moyo on 7 July “with immediate effect” for “inappropriate conduct” (Zimbabwe health minister facing coronavirus corruption charge ...). While Moyo’s sacking is presented as zero-tolerance for corruption, many note he was a sacrificial lamb. The President’s own son Collins, photographed socializing with Nguwaya, hurriedly issues a denial but faces no inquiry (Covid-19 drugs supply tender scandal erupts in Zimbabwe - FairPlanet) (Zimbabwe arrests health minister in Covid-19 procurement scandal). Nguwaya himself, after arrest, is later freed on bail and the case against him appears stalled. Meanwhile, journalist Hopewell Chin’ono, who helped expose the Drax fraud, is arrested in July on spurious charges and jailed for weeks, a move widely condemned as retaliation (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). The Drax saga reveals how Mnangagwa’s family and cronies benefited from pandemic funds, and how the regime reacts – scapegoating a minister and persecuting whistleblowers, rather than allowing an independent probe that could implicate the First Family.

• August 2020: Further evidence of cartel influence emerges in the fuel sector. Mnangagwa abruptly fires Energy Minister Fortune Chasi on 14 August, ostensibly for “misconduct.” But insiders reveal Chasi’s ouster came after he challenged the stranglehold of Tagwirei’s company Sakunda and its partners on Zimbabwe’s fuel supply (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking) (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking). Chasi had been pushing to end Sakunda’s monopoly on the strategic oil pipeline and to introduce a second fuel pipeline to diversify supply (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking). These reforms threatened the interests of Tagwirei and fellow oligarch Billy Rautenbach (who owns the sole ethanol producer) (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking) (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking). In response, the powerful fuel cartel used its clout to have Chasi removed. He was replaced by a little-known loyalist, ensuring Sakunda’s dominance remained unchallenged (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking). Around the same time – 5 Aug 2020 – the United States government imposes sanctions on Kudakwashe Tagwirei for “materially assisting senior Zimbabwean government officials involved in corruption.” The U.S. Treasury designates Tagwirei for driving corruption that has “derailed economic development and harmed the Zimbabwean people” (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation). (The UK would also sanction Tagwirei in 2021.) Despite these external actions, Tagwirei’s influence within Zimbabwe only grows (he faces no charges locally). The Chasi episode underscores state capture: private “Queen Bee” interests directly dictating government personnel decisions, while Mnangagwa looks the other way – or is complicit – in order to protect his benefactors (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking) (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking).

• 26 Oct 2020: A high-profile smuggling scheme is exposed when Henrietta Rushwaya, president of the Zimbabwe Miners Federation – and Mnangagwa’s niece – is arrested at Harare Airport with 6 kilograms of gold in her hand luggage (Mnangagwa's niece Henrietta Rushwaya convicted for trying to smuggle US$300k gold to Dubai – Nehanda Radio) (Mnangagwa's niece Henrietta Rushwaya convicted for trying to smuggle US$300k gold to Dubai – Nehanda Radio). Rushwaya (a former football administrator-turned-mining boss) was caught trying to fly to Dubai with gold worth over US$330,000, allegedly without clearance. The bust opens a can of worms: several security and intelligence officials are implicated for aiding the smuggling attempt, including a CIO operative from the President’s Office who tried to facilitate a bypass of customs. During the arrest, one co-accused infamously claimed the gold “belonged to the First Lady,” an apparent effort to intimidate officers (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera). First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa denied involvement, but the incident hints at the First Family’s name being used as a shield for illicit trade. Rushwaya is granted bail, and the case drags on. (It would take three years before she was convicted in 2023 and fined a mere $5,000 – a slap on the wrist for such serious offenses.) The Rushwaya saga exposes a well-oiled gold smuggling racket reaching the highest levels: as later confirmed by whistleblowers, Zimbabwe loses an estimated $1.5 billion in gold smuggled annually (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). The ease with which a presidential relative could attempt to smuggle gold – and the soft handling of her case – indicate how deeply organized crime and the state are intertwined under Mnangagwa’s watch.

2021: Reports of State Capture and Judiciary Under Siege

• Feb 2021: A groundbreaking report, “Cartel Power Dynamics in Zimbabwe,” is published by Maverick Citizen (South Africa). This damning study details how business cartels collude with politicians to loot Zimbabwe, and it explicitly names President Emmerson Mnangagwa as a key “cartel boss” protecting these networks (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ) (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ). The report finds that unlike typical cartels which undermine the state, Zimbabwe’s cartels operate in partnership with top state actors. It describes how Mnangagwa’s patronage and protection enable cartels to thrive in fuel, agriculture, mining, and banking. Ironically, Mnangagwa – who publicly decries illicit financial flows – is singled out as intimately involved in corrupt schemes he pretends to oppose (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ). The social cost of these cartels is enormous, evidenced by high unemployment, poverty, and collapse of services (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ). The report’s revelations reinforce what many Zimbabweans already suspect: grand corruption is centralized in the President’s office, and any anti-corruption rhetoric is mere window dressing. (Notably, oligarchs like Tagwirei and Rautenbach, identified as Mnangagwa’s cronies, make regular appearances in such reports. Neither the report nor local activists’ calls for action prompted any investigation by authorities in 2021 – a telling silence.)

  
  

• May 2021: Mnangagwa moves to consolidate his grip on the judiciary, sparking a constitutional crisis. He shepherds the passage of Constitutional Amendment No.2, which among other changes raises the retirement age of senior judges from 70 to 75 and gives the President power to appoint judges without public interviews (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters). Just days after signing the amendment, Mnangagwa uses it to extend the tenure of Chief Justice Luke Malaba – a known loyalist – by five years, on the eve of Malaba’s 70th birthday. This maneuver is challenged in court by lawyers and civil society, who argue that the amendment cannot benefit an incumbent judge and that proper procedure (a referendum) was bypassed (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters). 15 May 2021: In a historic ruling, the High Court of Zimbabwe strikes down Mnangagwa’s extension of Malaba’s term, declaring it invalid and unconstitutional (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters). The three High Court judges rule that Malaba “ceased to be Chief Justice” upon turning 70, and that applying the new retirement provisions to sitting judges undermined the constitution (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters). This verdict is applauded as a brave defense of constitutionalism – “a judgment that protects the constitution,” says opposition lawyer Tendai Biti (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters). But the victory is short-lived. Mnangagwa’s Justice Minister immediately denounces the ruling, and the government files an urgent appeal. In an alarming twist, a young ZANU-PF activist (with no direct stake in the matter) lodges a separate appeal to the captured Constitutional Court.

• Sept 2021: The Constitutional Court (ConCourt) – staffed by judges who themselves stood to benefit from the same amendment – issues its decision. It overturns the High Court and validates Malaba’s extension (Constitutional Court Quashes Lower Court Ruling Blocking Extension of Malaba’s Term of Office) (Constitutional Court Quashes Lower Court Ruling Blocking Extension of Malaba’s Term of Office). In a controversial judgment on 22 Sept, the ConCourt rules that Malaba has been lawfully in office since Mnangagwa extended his term (Constitutional Court Quashes Lower Court Ruling Blocking Extension of Malaba’s Term of Office) (Constitutional Court Quashes Lower Court Ruling Blocking Extension of Malaba’s Term of Office). This outcome, engineered through a fast-track appeal, confirms suspicions of judicial capture. Legal experts note that the ConCourt did not even consider the conflict of interest (Malaba’s subordinates ruling in favor of their own boss’s tenure). The government’s handling of the case – from slandering High Court judges to deploying proxy litigants – demonstrated brazen executive interference in the judiciary. Critics argue Mnangagwa was desperate to keep Malaba, who had dismissed the 2018 election challenge in Mnangagwa’s favor, at the helm through the 2023 elections. Additionally, around this time, judges perceived as independent face intimidation: Justice Edith Mushore, one of the High Court judges on the Malaba case, is later suspended and resigns; Justice Erica Ndewere, who granted bail to an opposition MP in 2020, is dismissed after a tribunal. Judicial independence in Zimbabwe is in peril, with Mnangagwa willing to bend laws and purge dissenting judges to ensure courts remain loyal (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters). The Malaba saga stands as a stark example of abuse of power – amending the constitution for personal ends and entrenching a compliant judiciary to protect the ruling elite.

• Aug 2021: While the courts were being tamed, Kuda Tagwirei’s empire kept expanding with Mnangagwa’s blessing. After U.S. and UK sanctions, Tagwirei had ostensibly “stepped back” from some businesses, but investigative reports show he simply restructured. In August, press reports reveal that a new state-backed mining company, Kuvimba Mining House, which the government touted as a vehicle to revive the economy, is in fact fronting for Tagwirei. A Bloomberg exposé and The Sentry’s report “Shadows and Shell Games” (July 2021) detail how Tagwirei hid assets through offshore shell companies and proxies even as he appeared to sell some holdings (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation) (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation). For instance, Tagwirei’s stake in Zimbabwe’s biggest nickel mine was transferred to a Mauritius entity tied to him (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation) (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation). Despite sanctions and scandals, Tagwirei remained embedded at the heart of Zimbabwe’s economy – from oil to gold to banking – thanks to Mnangagwa’s continued patronage. The government took no action on the detailed evidence of Tagwirei’s illicit dealings. Instead, Mnangagwa’s office bizarrely attacked The Sentry report as “fake news.” This reinforced what the February cartel report underscored: far from dismantling cartels, **Mnangagwa’s regime is actively protecting and partnering with them.

2022: Deepening Nepotism and Institutional Capture

• 7 July 2022: Mnangagwa raises fresh alarm about the capture of electoral institutions. On this day, he swears in Abigail Mohadi Ambrose – the daughter of his deputy Kembo Mohadi – as a commissioner of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) (Fury as Mnangagwa appoints Mohadi's daughter as ZEC commissioner - Zimbabwe News Now) (Fury as Mnangagwa appoints Mohadi's daughter as ZEC commissioner - Zimbabwe News Now). The appointment of a ruling party insider’s child to the supposedly independent election body draws public fury and accusations of nepotism. Opposition CCC spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere calls it “unacceptable,” noting it creates a clear conflict of interest and “an appearance of ZANU PF bias [impossible] to shake off” (Fury as Mnangagwa appoints Mohadi's daughter as ZEC commissioner - Zimbabwe News Now). Indeed, Abigail’s father, Kembo Mohadi, was until 2021 one of Mnangagwa’s Vice Presidents and remains ZANU-PF’s second secretary – effectively, the ruling party has planted its family member as an election referee. This comes on top of ZEC’s long-standing reputation for partisanship: its secretariat is filled with ex-military officers, and it has routinely dismissed allegations of bias. Mnangagwa also packs ZEC with other allies in 2022, and resists implementing reforms (like releasing an auditable voters’ roll). These actions solidify executive control over the electoral machinery ahead of the 2023 general election. Around the same period, reports surface that the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) is facing political interference from powerful figures. ZACC officials admit to receiving threats from cabinet ministers when they probe graft too deeply (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). One ZACC commissioner laments that if they try to target “big fish,” their work is sabotaged. Such pressures have resulted in ZACC largely going after low- to mid-level offenders, with high-profile cases (like those of ministers or politically connected tycoons) often stalled or quietly dropped. In sum, 2022 sees Mnangagwa entrenching a dynasty and party hold on key institutions – from the election commission to anti-graft bodies – further blurring the line between ZANU-PF and the state (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). Any pretense of independent oversight is eroding, as Mnangagwa positions loyalists (often literally his relatives) as gatekeepers.

• Mid-2022: Corruption within the ruling elite continues largely unchecked. ZANU-PF MP Justice Mayor Wadyajena, an ally of Mnangagwa’s, is arrested by ZACC in August 2022 for a $5 million fraud involving a government cotton company. But, true to form, Wadyajena is released on bail and his case sees little progress, fueling public cynicism. Separately, Vice President Constantino Chiwenga – a key coup architect – is revealed to have been feuding with Mnangagwa over access to patronage; in one episode, Chiwenga’s allies are removed from influential positions (including in the fuel sector and ZEC) as Mnangagwa asserts sole control. Kembo Mohadi, who resigned from VP in 2021 after a sex scandal, is quietly reinstated to a top party post and given influence over security agencies, showing how discredited elites remain part of Mnangagwa’s power structure. Meanwhile, economic malaise worsens: Zimbabwe’s local currency collapses again in 2022, and inflation soars to 280%+, partly due to cartel-driven parallel market activities (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). The Auditor-General’s reports continue to flag massive financial irregularities and leakages in government departments (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024), but recommendations are ignored. By the end of 2022, it is evident that Mnangagwa’s “New Dispensation” has morphed into an entrenched kleptocracy, where a small circle of political, military, and business elites enrich themselves while state institutions either enable the corruption or are too neutered to stop it.

2023: “Gold Mafia” Exposé and a Tainted Election

• March–April 2023: Perhaps the most explosive corruption revelations of Mnangagwa’s tenure come via Al Jazeera’s “Gold Mafia” investigation, a four-part undercover documentary. The findings, aired internationally, directly implicate Mnangagwa and his family in gold smuggling and money laundering schemes. Undercover reporters posing as criminals record multiple gold smugglers and fixers who all point to one common protector: “ED” (Emmerson Mnangagwa). One gold smuggler describes Mnangagwa as his business partner; another calls him a former partner still kept in the loop; a third says he must keep the President informed of all operations (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera). In one sting, Mnangagwa’s appointed Ambassador-at-Large, Uebert Angel (a self-proclaimed prophet), is filmed offering to launder $1.2 billion of dirty cash using Zimbabwean gold. In a secretly taped phone call, Angel actually calls First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa (“Mother”) seeking logistical help for the scheme (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion) (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion). Auxillia responds curtly and tells him to talk to “Father” (the President) about the details, to which Angel replies he’ll present it to Mnangagwa that evening (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion) (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion). After the call, Angel tells the undercover clients: “You have got the President, you have got his family involved” (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion). Another clip shows gold smuggler Henrietta Rushwaya (Mnangagwa’s niece) outlining a plan to smuggle large quantities of gold and launder money, indicating she has direct access to Mnangagwa for approvals (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera). The Al Jazeera investigation lays bare a massive “Gold Mafia” involving smugglers, corrupt officials, and political elites working in concert to siphon billions. It strongly suggests Mnangagwa not only knows of these activities but is actively profiting and providing cover for them (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera). The documentary creates an uproar among Zimbabweans, who express outrage that their President is allegedly at the apex of an international criminal network. In response, Mnangagwa’s government announces some cosmetic actions: Uebert Angel is suspended (but not prosecuted), and a few low-level airport officials are arrested. No action is taken against Rushwaya or any of the named smugglers in the immediate aftermath. The government dismisses parts of the documentary as “sensationalism” and threatens Al Jazeera correspondents with arrest. To many, the Gold Mafia exposé confirms that Zimbabwe under Mnangagwa is a full-blown kleptocracy, where the head of state is deeply complicit in pillaging national resources (gold, in this case) for personal enrichment (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera) (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion).

• 23–26 Aug 2023: Zimbabwe’s general elections take place amid an atmosphere of repression and allegations of fraud. In the weeks prior, opposition rallies are banned or violently broken up, state media is overtly biased, and rural voters face subtle coercion (with village leaders warning them that “the ballot isn’t secret” – a common intimidation tactic). On election day, chaos in opposition urban strongholds suggests deliberate sabotage: many polling stations in Harare and Bulawayo open extremely late or run out of ballots for crucial local races, leading to disenfranchisement. Despite these hurdles, polling shows a tight race. When the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) announces results, Mnangagwa is declared winner with 52.6%, extending his rule for a second term. The opposition Citizens’ Coalition for Change (CCC) rejects the outcome as “gigantic fraud” (Zimbabwe's Mnangagwa appoints son as deputy finance minister in new cabinet | Reuters). In a rare rebuke, the normally cautious SADC Election Observer Mission issues a report noting that Zimbabwe’s elections fell short of regional and international standards, citing irregularities and the biased conduct of ZEC (Zimbabwe's Mnangagwa appoints son as deputy finance minister in new cabinet | Reuters). This is an unprecedented criticism from SADC, indicating just how egregious the process was. Mnangagwa’s regime brushes this off; his spokesperson even attacks the SADC observers. Post-election, CCC’s legal challenge is swiftly dismissed by the Constitutional Court (unsurprisingly, given the judiciary’s alignment). Mnangagwa is inaugurated on 4 September, praising the election as free and fair despite the controversy. Analysts conclude that state institutions were instrumentalized to ensure Mnangagwa’s victory: the police and military muzzled the opposition, ZEC manipulated logistics and possibly results, and the courts legitimized the outcome. It was a textbook case of electoral state capture, where the playing field was thoroughly skewed by those in power. The flawed 2023 election demonstrates Mnangagwa’s willingness to abuse state power to cling to office, effectively denying citizens a credible vote and cementing his and ZANU-PF’s continued rule through non-democratic means.

• September 2023: Barely two weeks after the disputed election, Mnangagwa sparks public outcry by unveiling a new Cabinet that blatantly favors his family and loyalists. He appoints his 34-year-old son, David Kudakwashe Mnangagwa, as Deputy Minister of Finance, and his nephew Tongai Mnangagwa as Deputy Minister of Tourism (Zimbabwe’s president accused of nepotism after appointing son and nephew | Emmerson Mnangagwa | The Guardian) (Zimbabwe’s president accused of nepotism after appointing son and nephew | Emmerson Mnangagwa | The Guardian). Neither had any senior government experience. The move is widely denounced as nepotism and “dynastic politics.” Even the normally guarded Western media note the appointments: Reuters reports that Mnangagwa was accused of trying to create a “family dynasty” after installing his son in such a key economic role (Zimbabwe’s president accused of nepotism after appointing son and nephew | Emmerson Mnangagwa | The Guardian) (Zimbabwe’s president accused of nepotism after appointing son and nephew | Emmerson Mnangagwa | The Guardian). The opposition and civil society lampoon the President as “ Uncle Nepotism,” pointing out that the Cabinet’s average age ballooned and it included multiple relatives of top ZANU-PF officials. (Besides Mnangagwa’s son and nephew, the Cabinet also featured the wives of two Vice Presidents in ministerial roles, and several ministers who are in-laws or family friends of the First Family.) Mnangagwa brushes off the criticism, saying his focus is on competence, not relationships – a claim few buy, given his son’s thin résumé. The implications of these appointments are serious: Mnangagwa is fortifying his personal control over key portfolios (finance, for instance, which will manage public resources and debt) by inserting family. This reduces oversight and makes it even less likely that financial malfeasance in government will be exposed – who will investigate the President’s son? It also highlights that Mnangagwa’s fight against corruption was never earnest; instead of distancing himself from potential conflicts of interest, he’s directly empowering his kin to partake in the spoils of power. With this, Zimbabwe’s leadership starts to resemble a family-business enterprise. In essence, the post-2023 administration signals the completion of state capture: the executive, legislature (where ZANU-PF holds a majority), security forces, judiciary, and now even technocratic ministries are all led by individuals whose primary loyalty is to Mnangagwa (often bound by blood or patronage), not to the nation’s laws or welfare.

2024–2025: Ongoing Impunity and Unresolved Cases

• 2024: As Mnangagwa’s second term begins, Zimbabwe’s corruption and state capture issues remain deeply entrenched. Virtually all major corruption cases linked to the President or his inner circle since 2017 remain unresolved or unpunished. No members of Mnangagwa’s family or inner cartel have faced conviction despite the heaps of evidence and scandals. For example, the $3 billion Command Agriculture funds from 2016–2018 are still unaccounted for – Kuda Tagwirei not only escaped prosecution but has reportedly restructured his businesses and continues to receive lucrative government contracts under new names (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation) (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation). The investigation that ZACC opened in 2019 into Command Agriculture quietly fizzled out, with no report of findings ever released. Henrietta Rushwaya, Mnangagwa’s niece caught with 6kg of gold, was finally convicted in late 2023 after three years of delays, but was merely fined and avoided jail (Henrietta Rushwaya arrested - The Herald) (Zimbabwe president's relation convicted of gold-smuggling) – a clear indicator of leniency for the well-connected. Former minister Obadiah Moyo’s trial over the Drax COVID contracts has not progressed to a verdict; many expect it will be dropped, especially since he’s reportedly ill and out of the public eye. Ex-Minister Prisca Mupfumira’s NSSA corruption case has been repeatedly postponed, with key witnesses mysteriously unwilling to testify; as of 2025 she remains out on bail with no closure in sight. ZACC, the anti-corruption commission, has seen its credibility eroded: in candid moments, officials admit they are powerless to go after “big fish” due to political interference and even threats from powerful quarters (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). The commission’s chairperson (Justice Loice Matanda-Moyo, incidentally the wife of Foreign Minister Sibusiso Moyo until his death) has complained of lack of resources and cooperation. A telling statistic from a 2024 governance report: since 2018, Zimbabwe has arrested dozens of high-ranking officials on corruption charges, yet not a single minister or elite has been convicted by the courts (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). Either cases languish, or suspects are acquitted amid allegations of prosecutorial incompetence or political meddling. This pattern confirms a culture of impunity at the top.

• State Capture persists: By 2025, Zimbabwe’s key economic sectors are firmly in the hands of a politico-business elite tied to Mnangagwa. The military’s role in business has grown – for instance, the Ministry of Defence now has commercial interests ranging from mining to agriculture, often run by retired officers now in government. The line between party, family, and state assets is blurred: reports indicate Mnangagwa’s relatives and loyalists control everything from fuel importation to grain procurement, often operating through opaque joint ventures with foreign or offshore firms to mask their involvement (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation) (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation). The term “state capture,” once primarily used for South Africa’s Zuma-era corruption, is now frequently applied to Zimbabwe. The social consequences are dire: despite being resource-rich, Zimbabwe remains in an economic crisis, with over half the population in extreme poverty and public services in shambles (partly because public funds are diverted by the ruling clique). A mid-2024 analysis by the BTI Project noted that Zimbabwe’s institutions are deliberately weakened by the ruling elite: Parliament’s oversight is defied by ministers, local governments are overruled by partisan officials, and independent commissions are starved of funds (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024). The intertwining of ZANU-PF and the state has only intensified (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) – Mnangagwa often says “the Party is above all,” and in practice this has meant loyalty to the party (and himself as its leader) trumps any rule of law. Opponents allege Zimbabwe has morphed into a “cartel state” – a term Zimbabweans use to describe the collusion of political leaders and business oligarchs to monopolize wealth at the expense of the citizenry. This is evidenced by persistent reports of revenue leakages: for instance, the finance ministry acknowledges that huge sums in gold and diamonds are smuggled out annually, but no ringleaders have been prosecuted (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024).

• Political Purges and Cover-ups: Mnangagwa has shown he will purge even longtime comrades if they threaten to expose the networks of corruption or challenge his authority. In early 2024, rumors surfaced of a fallout with Vice President Chiwenga (a power-sharing rival) over control of lucrative ministries; soon after, some military figures perceived to back Chiwenga were retired or reassigned. The pattern echoes 2017–2018 when the G40 faction was vanquished and silenced. Now, even within Mnangagwa’s Lacoste faction, any dissent is quelled to maintain a united front. Corrupt networks are protected through intimidation and sometimes violence – for example, several auditors and journalists who have investigated Mnangagwa-era scandals have faced harassment or arrest (Chin’ono’s jailing in 2020 being a notable instance (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024)). There are also cases of mysterious attacks: in 2022, a fire gutted a warehouse holding evidence in a corruption case against a ZANU-PF MP, and a few months later, a prosecutor who was pushing a case against politically connected individuals was abruptly removed. All these send a chilling message to would-be whistleblowers.

Conclusion (2025): Up to this point, Emmerson Mnangagwa’s reign (2017–2025) is characterized by systematic corruption and abuse of power on a grand scale, consolidated through state capture. Audit reports, leaks, and investigative journalism have uncovered staggering corruption – from multi-million dollar looting of public funds and subsidy programs, to cartels monopolizing entire industries, to smuggling rackets in gold and other minerals – frequently tracing back to Mnangagwa’s cronies, if not the President himself (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera). Yet virtually none of these revelations have led to meaningful accountability. On the contrary, Mnangagwa and his inner circle have thwarted or co-opted oversight institutions: the anti-corruption commission is undermined by political interference (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024), the judiciary has been tampered with to secure favorable rulings (Constitutional Court Quashes Lower Court Ruling Blocking Extension of Malaba’s Term of Office), the security services and election bodies are packed with loyalists, and dissenters (even within ZANU-PF’s ranks) are purged when they threaten the racket (“Mnangagwa Protects Tagwirei As Matutu, Tsenengamu Are Suspended From Zanu PF” – ZimEye) (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy). Zimbabwe’s “new dispensation” has thus far proved to be old wine in a new bottle – or perhaps more accurately, an even more entrenched form of the patronage and corruption that existed under Mugabe, now personalized around Mnangagwa’s rule. As of 2025, Zimbabweans still await justice for the many corruption scandals that have plagued their country in this era. The looting of public funds and resources continues largely unabated, with Mnangagwa’s circle benefitting at the expense of the nation. International observers and Zimbabwean civil society agree that without genuine political will at the top, the cycle of impunity will persist. Sadly, all signs from 2017 through 2025 indicate that Mnangagwa’s priority has been to protect and enrich his power elite, not to dismantle the corrupt system that impoverishes millions. The fate of numerous “investigations” – quietly shelved – and the elevation of the President’s own kin to positions of authority are proof of that. Zimbabwe remains, in effect, “captured” by a hybrid of political authoritarianism and criminal enterprise, with Emmerson Mnangagwa presiding as the capo at the helm (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera).

Sources: Zimbabwe NewsDay/Standard (Jul 21, 2019) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ); The Standard (Jul 2019) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ) (  Mnangagwa ally faces probe in $3bn scandal - The Standard ); Reuters (Nov 25, 2017) (Ousted Zimbabwe finance minister Chombo faces corruption charges | Reuters) (Ousted Zimbabwe finance minister Chombo faces corruption charges | Reuters); Reuters (May 15, 2021) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters) (Zimbabwe court rules chief justice's tenure extension is invalid | Reuters); Reuters (Sept 11, 2023) (Zimbabwe's Mnangagwa appoints son as deputy finance minister in new cabinet | Reuters) (Zimbabwe's Mnangagwa appoints son as deputy finance minister in new cabinet | Reuters); The Guardian (Sep 12, 2023) (Zimbabwe’s president accused of nepotism after appointing son and nephew | Emmerson Mnangagwa | The Guardian) (Zimbabwe’s president accused of nepotism after appointing son and nephew | Emmerson Mnangagwa | The Guardian); Pindula News (Aug 28, 2020) (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking) (Powerful Fuel Cartels Behind Chasi's Sacking); VOA News (Feb 2020) (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy) (Zanu PF Officials Accuse 3 Businessmen of Running Toxic Cartels Crippling Zimbabwe Economy); ZimLive (Apr 20, 2020) (Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company - Zimbabwe News Now) (Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company - Zimbabwe News Now); Reuters (June 20, 2020) (Zimbabwe's health minister granted bail over $60 mln graft claims | Reuters) (Zimbabwe's health minister granted bail over $60 mln graft claims | Reuters); Nehanda Radio (Nov 1, 2023) (Mnangagwa's niece Henrietta Rushwaya convicted for trying to smuggle US$300k gold to Dubai – Nehanda Radio) (Mnangagwa's niece Henrietta Rushwaya convicted for trying to smuggle US$300k gold to Dubai – Nehanda Radio); Al Jazeera Investigations (Apr 2023) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera) (Is Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa behind gold smuggling? | Investigation News | Al Jazeera); Pindula/Al Jazeera (Apr 15, 2023) (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion) (Gold Mafia: Uebert Angel Asked Auxillia Mnangagwa For Help To Launder US$1.2 Billion); Maverick Citizen (Cartel Report, Feb 2021) (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ) (Damning Report Names Mnangagwa as 'Cartel Leader' in Zimbabwe — Southern African Herald ); Zimbabwe Situation/DM (July 6, 2021) (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation) (Dismantling Zimbabwe’s kleptocracy: Report lifts lid on Kuda Tagwirei’s offshore dealings and sanction-avoiding strategies - Zimbabwe Situation); BTI Zimbabwe Report 2024 (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024) (BTI 2024 Zimbabwe Country Report: BTI 2024); ZimLive (July 7, 2022) (Fury as Mnangagwa appoints Mohadi's daughter as ZEC commissioner - Zimbabwe News Now) (Fury as Mnangagwa appoints Mohadi's daughter as ZEC commissioner - Zimbabwe News Now); ZimEye (Feb 6, 2020) (“Mnangagwa Protects Tagwirei As Matutu, Tsenengamu Are Suspended From Zanu PF” – ZimEye) (“Mnangagwa Protects Tagwirei As Matutu, Tsenengamu Are Suspended From Zanu PF” – ZimEye); and others.

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